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Celebrating Kwanzaa

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Freedom Center Voices
December 26, 2020

Celebrating Kwanzaa

Dr. Maulana Keranga founded Kwanzaa in 1966 after being inspired to bring unity to the nation after years of civilian turmoil and cultural detachment in African American communities. It is a holiday celebrated in the United States, for one week, from December 26th to January 1st each year mostly by African Americans. The holiday is guided by seven principles, one chosen for each day of the week-long celebration. These principles guide celebrators to practice philosophies that channel positivity in our lives. These seven principles are unity, self-determination, collective work, responsibility, cooperative economics, purpose, creativity, and faith. Each day of the week gifts are shared to represent the different principles.

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In the past, some were apprehensive to celebrate because they feared it conflicted with Christmas, a traditionally Christian holiday. “Kwanzaa” is derived from the Swahili language, while the seven principles are typically represented in Swahili as well. The founder of this celebration Dr. Keranga, yearned for the Black communities across America to have stronger cultural ties and traditions since many African traditions were stripped from Black Americans through the duration of slavery. During the week of celebration seven candles are lit. Specific crops and harvest are chosen to represent the holiday. They are laid out across tables in homes to represent what the word Kwanzaa means, which is “first harvest.”

You don’t have to be African American to celebrate Kwanzaa, especially not to share in its purpose. Rather than being a religious holiday, Kwanzaa celebrates culture and tradition. So, no matter your beliefs anyone can honor this special time, bringing together family to try out new traditions such as African head wrapping or dancing. Kwanzaa is celebrated across countries all over the world, not just in the United States. Kwanzaa’s origin language of Swahili is spoken in the African countries of Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Mozambique, and Zimbabwe.

Asia Harris, Youth Programs Manager
National Underground Railroad Freedom Center

Asia is an alumna of Hampton University. Her background in English encourages her to constantly dive deeper into literature to learn how historical knowledge can shape and empower the American youth of today. She enjoys cooking, summer traveling and cuddling up with a good book.

Eli Whitney and the Cotton Gin – A Mixed Legacy

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Freedom Center Voices
December 8, 2020

Eli Whitney and the Cotton Gin – A Mixed Legacy

“Progress has different meanings for different people… what was progress for white people was enslavement and further degradation for African Americans.”

— Margaret Washington, Associate Professor of History, Cornell University

Eli Whitney is thought of by some as the Father of American Technology. Throughout his life, he had a talent for creating things people needed – nails, hairpins, canes, muskets and more. However, his most well-known patent – the cotton gin – also had the devastating effect of expanding the institution of enslavement; making it even more profitable. By 1850, cotton was 50% of our GDP, and a multi-billion dollar institution worth more than all the manufacturing and railroad companies combined.

"Eli Whitney," portrait of the inventor. Courtesy of the Yale University Art Gallery, Yale University, New Haven, Conn.

Early Life

Whitney was born in Westborough, Massachusetts, on December 8, 1765. After his graduation from Yale College (now Yale University) in 1792, he considered becoming a lawyer. First, however, Whitney decided to work as a tutor to pay off his school debts. Although the tutoring jobs he was offered ultimately didn’t work out, one of the positions took him to Georgia where he was invited to spend time on the plantation owned by Catherine Greene, widow of Revolutionary War general, Nathanael Greene. There, he met a fellow Yale grad, Phineas Miller, who managed Greene’s plantation at the time and later became Greene’s second husband.

While living on the plantation, Whitney witnessed the difficulties of growing short-staple cotton that had to be picked and cleaned by hand. He took the problem as a challenge and designed a cotton “gin” (derived from the word “engine”). The gin could remove the seeds from cotton quicker and more efficiently than the plantation’s enslaved labor. Whitney and Miller became business partners and, with the financial support of Greene, began to manufacture the gin for general use. Whitney and Miller patented the cotton gin in 1794.

“Cotton is King”

The cotton gin revolutionized cotton production in the United States – benefitting Southern plantations, Northern textile mills, financial institutions, shipping companies and multiple other businesses and individuals connected to the institution of slavery. An enslaved person could produce approximately 5 pounds of lint cotton a day.  Whitney’s hand powered cotton gin could produce approximately 50 pounds of lint cotton a day.  By the time of the Civil War, steam powered cotton gins were producing approximately 2,500 pounds of lint cotton a day.  Soon cotton became the South’s most important crop and the leading U.S. export. Yet the cotton gin also had a significant human cost. Although cotton production became more efficient with the cotton gin, more enslaved labor was needed to plant and harvest the cotton as the number and size of plantations grew to keep up with demand.

Eli Whitney s Cotton Gin Patent Drawing, 03/14/1794 [National Archives Identifier: 305886]; National Archives and Records Administration Records of the Patent and Trademark Office Record Group 241

Westward Expansion

The Louisiana Purchase of 1803 opened the Mississippi River Valley to agricultural development.  However, millions of acres of land in this area, as well as the southeast, legally belonged to Native Americans.  In order to remove Indigenous people from their ancestral lands, President Andrew Jackson signed the Indian Removal Act of 1830.  At least 50,000 Native Americans were forcefully moved to lands west of the Mississippi, River.  This forced removal, that killed thousands of men, women and children, is known as the “Trail of Tears.”  Following their removal, massive numbers of enslaved people and planters from Virginia, Maryland, the Carolinas, Kentucky and Tennessee moved onto this land to produce cotton.

As slave owners benefited from the success of cotton, the lives of the enslaved people they owned were often made even more challenging.  Tobacco farmers who now found their crop in less demand were able to sell their enslaved property to cotton plantation owners for higher prices. Cotton farmers, who may have considered freeing their enslaved property, found them too valuable to lose. Northern slave owners, who lived in states that were gradually abolishing slavery, chose to sell them south for a profit, rather than lose money from their legal emancipation.  Even the lives of free African Americans in the North were made more precarious as they faced the risk of being kidnapped and sold to Southern plantation owners with few repercussions.

Impact on Enslavement

In 1790 there were six slave states in the U.S. By 1860, the number of slave states grew to 15 and more than one third of the U.S. Southern population were enslaved. During this time period, the enslaved population grew from roughly 790,000 to 4,000,000, and annual cotton production grew from around 2,000 bales to 4,800,000 bales. Approximately one million enslaved people were sold from northern states and the upper south to the lower south to meet the demand for producing cotton.  This process became known as the internal slave trade. The internal slave trade became the largest forced migration in American history, and led to the destruction of numerous families.

Conclusion

It is impossible to remember Eli Whitney’s invention of the cotton gin without also recognizing his contribution to antebellum slavery in the United States. His legacy therefore, will always be tarnished with his impact on slavery.

However, it is important to note that Whitney also figured out how to manufacture muskets by using a machine method, making the parts interchangeable. This technique also proved to be revolutionary, allowing for the mass production of muskets beginning in 1798.

The National Archives says it best, “If [Whitney’s] genius led King Cotton to triumph in the South, it also created the technology with which the North won the Civil War.”

Recommended reading:

  • In Search of the Promised Land:  A Slave Family in the Old South, by John Hope Franklin
  • The Half Has Never Been Told:  Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism, by Edward E. Baptist

Lyn Martin, Docent
National Underground Railroad Freedom Center

Interpretation and History’s Demands on the Present

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Freedom Center Voices
November 28, 2020

Interpretation and History’s Demands on the Present

“I, too, live in the time of slavery, by which I mean I am living in the future created by it.” 

— Saidiya Hartman, Lose Your Mother (2007) 

There are many dates that school children learn when they are taught U.S. history. Notable among them are 1863, when Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, and 1865, when the 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution was passed and formally outlawed slavery. While important, the dates alone do not convey the foundational significance and living legacies of slavery. The problem is not with the dates, but with the interpretation of history that they are asked to convey. 

Interpretation is what museum professionals call “the practice of communicating their collections to the public.” It is a process that broadly speaks to the importance of how we grapple with the personal and cultural relevance of any story, art object, or historical record. During my residency at the National Underground Railroad Freedom Center, I engage this question of interpretation to untangle the power and problem of drawing comparisons between the history of Black enslavement in the U.S. and the use of the phrase “modern day slavery” to refer to human trafficking. In a series of blog posts and public conversations, I will grapple with these tensions and reflect upon the multiple meanings of abolition today. 

My place of departure for the blog series starts from the observation made by Dr. Saidiya Hartman that “we” are living in the future created by slavery. Taken from her magnificent book Lose Your Mother: A Journey Along the Atlantic Slave Route, the sentence resonates beyond its complex implications for the descendants of slaves. Hartman interprets slavery as part of  both the past and present. She treats slavery as an inheritance, not only a chronology of events that fatefully ends with its demise. It is still difficult for many Americans, particularly white Americans, to grasp the many ways that we and our society continue to be structured by slave economies, colonialism, and the gravitational force of racism and anti-Blackness. In fact, many white Americans are unable to or refuse to connect slavery’s past to contemporary social justice issues.

The living legacies of slavery and colonialism are not hidden to Black, Indigenous, and people of color in the United States - it is white America that struggles to collectively reckon with our national DNA. For any significant grappling with the past as an inheritance, we white folks need to face the reality that slavery and colonialism continues to be in the DNA of us and our present moment. Yet, there continues to be strong, even virulent resistance to and fatigue about reckoning with that inheritance.

For many there is intense discomfort with the idea that white supremacy still has a structural hold on society. The refusal to see that stems, in part, from the long tradition of allowing guilt and shame to orchestrate white folks’ moral response to the living legacies of slavery and colonialism. When guilt and shame rule white consciousness about the past, we do not actually divest from white supremacy, but rather re-invest in the flimsy distinction between “good” versus “bad” white people. This is insufficient and actually perpetuates white supremacy, rendering it a matter of individual choices and acts. Like the material of genetic DNA, however, white supremacy self-replicates over time, although it may not look identical to earlier generations. And, like DNA, white supremacy is a trait we can not simply refuse: it requires active mitigation. The problem at the center of structural racism is the inability to dismantle white supremacy. 

In 1964, James Baldwin travelled to San Francisco to witness Black American life in what was and continues to be regarded as a liberal and cosmopolitan city. That trip is documented in the film Take This Hammer and is as piercing today as it was then in its depiction of the structural undermining of Black communities through the denial of employment and housing. At the start, Baldwin, in his quintessentially eloquent and biting way, muses that people can only pay their dues if they realize that is what they need to do. He often spoke of debts in relation to white America as he accurately saw how white superiority operates at the expense of others. Interpreting slavery as an inheritance possessed by white Americans requires ways of thinking and living that are not yet normalized or perhaps even really grapsed. As white Americans, we do not need to make a spectacle of guilt or shame or to just accurately identify the “bad guys.” We need to be willing to scrutinize our lives with humility and vulnerability and to be willing to interpret history as an inheritance that is alive in small and big ways, today.  

As I scrutinize my place in a society made by slavery, I have become wary of the moniker “modern day slavery.”  I understand that for many, naming human trafficking as “modern day slavery” is an expression of concern and ethical outrage. The phrase immediately conveys a message about injustice that perhaps is missed with the technical term “human trafficking.” Yet, the rhetorical usefulness of “modern day slavery” to convey the existence of human trafficking also has problematic material effects. That is to say, the problem with “modern day slavery” is more than a semantic issue. 

For example, while there is increased political concern for victims of trafficking, that concern has not translated into addressing the remaining debt that society still owes to the formerly enslaved and their descendants. The claim that slavery has a modern form suggests that there is an equivalency between chattel slavery and trafficking. While the idea that trafficking is modern slavery relies upon the metaphorical and moral power of the abolition of chattel slavery, that idea displaces and even conceals our responsibility to the living legacies of slavery.  As such, the term also clouds the fact that we are still operating within racial capitalism, a system produced by slaving economies. Furthermore, it is alarming that with the expansion of the anti-trafficking field, different social justice claims appear to compete rather than intersect. This tension is most apparent in regards to the role of the criminal legal system. While most anti-trafficking efforts validate and center the role of policing, courts, and incarceration these same institutions are viewed by a growing majority as the source of injustice.  

What would change if we sought out the intersections between the living legacies of slavery and colonialism and human trafficking? Likewise, how would our understanding of human trafficking change if we saw chattel slavery as not a metaphor for the present but as in the DNA of the present? Leading up to Human Trafficking Awareness Month (January) I will engage these and other questions.

Dr. Jennifer Suchland (she/her) is an associate professor at Ohio State University in the Department of Women’s, Gender and Sexuality and the Department of Slavic and East European Languages and Cultures and our 2020-2021 Scholar-in-Residence. Her research, teaching, and activism are focused on critical human rights, intersectional and transnational feminism, and the intersection of law and culture. She is an avid gardener, loves to cook, bike, and go hiking with her friends and family. You can find her work online and on Twitter @mightykale.

What is GivingTuesday and Why Does it Matter?

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Freedom Center Voices
November 24, 2020

What is GivingTuesday and Why Does it Matter?

The creators of GivingTuesday describe it as a “global generosity movement unleashing the power of people and organizations to transform their communities and the world.” Created in 2012, GivingTuesday had one goal in mind—create a day that inspires people to do good. Over the past seven years, it has grown into a global movement that inspires hundreds of millions of people to give, collaborate, and celebrate generosity.

This year, our community, nation, and world have faced great challenges. We’ve navigated a global pandemic and witnessed a country coming to grips with the reality of systemic racism. A spirit of unity is needed for us to move forward. Our institution serves as a beacon of hope in the ongoing struggle for inclusive freedom and we are fierce advocates of equity and justice. A donation to the National Underground Freedom Center will help us fight for a brighter, more inclusive future through education that inspires action.

Your donation will allow us to serve our community through educational programs, thought-provoking exhibitions and more. We’ve taken many of our initiatives virtual this year, propelled by the support and engagement from the community. Your donations help us to continue these conversations, allow us to preserve the artifacts in our collection, and continue to bring together diverse thought leaders to inspire action.

Your gift will power our dream of inclusive freedom for all. We would be honored to be selected as your organization of choice for GivingTuesday. Our community, nation, and world needs us both.

To make your gift, please visit our website on December 1 at freedomcenter.org/donate.

Jarrod Williams, Development Officer
National Underground Railroad Freedom Center

Jarrod is a development professional committed to creating a culture of philanthropy. He is a graduate of Wright State University whose career in fundraising ranges from arts, media, and social services. He recently was awarded 101.1 the Wiz radio station’s 30 under 30 award in the City of Cincinnati.
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Veteran’s Day Reflection: Woodrow Keown, Jr.

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Freedom Center Voices

Veteran’s Day Reflection: Woodrow Keown, Jr.

"My military career began the historic moment my proud dad (a WWII and Korean War veteran) pinned my bars onto my uniform, making me the first commissioned officer in our family’s history.  Just a few years earlier he had refused to sign papers to allow me to enlist in the Navy because he said he wanted a better future for me and believed I had greater potential.  He was right.  Military service opened doors of opportunity I could never have imagined growing up in an impoverished area on the outskirts of Little Rock, Arkansas. I began experiencing a bigger, more diverse world; learned the importance of leadership, teamwork and accountability; earned a government-financed advanced degree (MBA); and, importantly, I gained a more personal appreciation of the meaning of freedom and justice…for ALL. On this day that we recognize our veterans, I salute my dad, Woodrow Keown, Sr., for inspiring me to do more, and be more, than I thought possible."

Woodrow Keown, Jr.

President & COO
National Underground Railroad Freedom Center

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Meet Our Scholar-in-Residence: Dr. Jennifer Suchland

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Freedom Center Voices

Meet Our Scholar-in-Residence: Dr. Jennifer Suchland

My name is Dr. Jennifer Suchland. I am an Associate Professor at The Ohio State University and am honored to be in residency this academic year at the National Underground Railroad Freedom Center. This opportunity is made possible by a Scholars & Society fellowship from the American Council of Learned Society and Mellon Foundation.

Purpose

The aim of the fellowship is to partner scholars with non-university organizations for mutual growth and to advance the arts and humanities in society. I am excited to learn from the museum and contribute to its mission to preserve and reveal the stories of the underground railroad and inspire the public to engage in racial and social justice issues today.

Context

This is a critical moment in America. We face multiple crises including the Covid-19 pandemic and the political, economic, and ethical crises wrought by systemic racism, staggering inequities, and heterosexism. Now more than ever, people turn to universities and museums for accurate information, inspiration, guidance, and opportunities for respectful dialogue. The role of the arts and humanities is vital to the work of individually and collectively grappling with our national and global conditions and essential for imagining otherwise. I strongly believe that classrooms and museums are the democratic epicenters for encouraging critical reflection and thus are instrumental to social change.

Exploration

The broad theme of the fellowship is “Abolition Today,” which sets the stage for me to explore the multiple meanings of abolition in today’s world. For instance, those who call themselves neo-abolitionists in the fight against human trafficking (i.e. “modern day slavery”) leverage the ethical and emotional archive of the historical struggle to abolish chattel slavery in the United States. Many advocates approach anti-trafficking as the newest example of anti-slavery activism.

At the same time, other advocates are working towards prison abolition, seeking to dismantle a system that is the living legacy of Black enslavement. For them, prisons are a modern form of slavery.

As public consciousness only grows about critical issues such as mass incarceration and human trafficking, the tensions and intersections between these two abolitionist claims demands greater public reflection. Not simply an issue of semantics, the meanings of abolition today speaks to present-day ethical demands made by U.S. slavery and the political imagination needed to move beyond carceral human rights.

On a personal note, I also reflect on my position as a white cis-gendered queer middle-class woman in the context of abolition today. I want to dig deeply into the radical history of anti-slavery to better understand what it means to be abolitionist today.

Collaboration

Currently I am working with Christopher Miller, Senior Director of Education and Community Engagement, Novella Nimmo, Education Coordinator, and Asia Harris, Youth Programs Manager. In particular, Asia and I are working on revising and adding to the museum’s k-12 curriculum. I already have learned a lot about public education and the significant role that the National Underground Railroad Freedom Center plays in public education. There is a lot of demand for rigorous and thoughtful curriculum that illuminates the past and that can connect to people’s lives today. I hope to bring my scholarly expertise, which thematically is on critical human rights, as well as my experience in collaborative arts and humanities practices to the museum in this residency.

Sharing the Journey

Over the course of the academic year, keep an eye out for periodic updates here on the Freedom Center Voices blog. We invite you to follow along as I share more about my research and other topics related to the project. I’m honored to have the opportunity to connect with the Freedom Center family and excited to see where our collaboration goes.

Dr. Jennifer Suchland (she/her) is an associate professor at Ohio State University in the Department of Women’s, Gender and Sexuality and the Department of Slavic and East European Languages and Cultures and our 2020-2021 Scholar-in-Residence. Her research, teaching, and activism are focused on critical human rights, intersectional and transnational feminism, and the intersection of law and culture. She is an avid gardener, loves to cook, bike, and go hiking with her friends and family. You can find her work online and on Twitter @mightykale.

National Native American Heritage Month

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Freedom Center Voices

National Native American Heritage Month

The National Underground Railroad Freedom Center would like to recognize all the diverse Native American cultures throughout this country, to honor their many freedom heroes, and to educate our guests about their rich history.

Recognition

November is National Native American Heritage Month, also known as National American Indian Heritage Month. Although Congress designated this month in 1990 under President George H. W. Bush, in reality it was the persistent work of indigenous people starting in the early 20th century that inspired Congress to officially honor Native Americans in November. Individuals like Dr. Arthur C. Parker (Seneca), Rev. Sherman Coolidge (Arapahoe) and Red Fox James (Blackfoot) are just a few examples of native people who campaigned to educate all Americans about the value and contributions of Indigenous cultures.

We at the National Underground Railroad Freedom Center recognize their past and present, their hardships and sacrifices, their perseverance and resiliency, their culture and wisdom, their devotion and kinship, and their physical and spiritual connection to this land.  We see you and we hear you.

One of the best ways we as Americans can recognize America’s first people is to acknowledge their traditional land. The following statement comes from the Greater Cincinnati Native American Coalition.

As a step toward honoring the truth and achieving healing and reconciliation with the Indigenous Peoples who were affected most by the Doctrine of Discovery and broken treaties, we acknowledge the traditional Shawnee and Myaamia lands we now stand on, and on which the city of Cincinnati was built.

Honor

We also want to honor all of our Native American freedom heroes, past and present.  We honor Wahunsenacawh (Powhatan), Tecumseh (Shawnee) and Tatanka-yotanka (Hunkpapa Lakota), who fought bravely to protect their people and land. We honor the Native People that aided freedom seekers on the Underground Railroad. We honor Dennis Banks, Clyde Bellecourt, Eddie Benton Banai, and George Mitchell (founders of American Indian Movement (AIM)) who risked their lives fighting for Native rights while occupying Alcatraz and Wounded Knee. We honor Bridget Tolley and all the other women who fight to raise awareness of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls. We honor all Native women and mothers who give life and connect us all to that which is sacred.

American Indian Movement Trademark

Educate

One of the best ways to bring people and cultures together, build empathy, and understand the experiences of others is to educate ourselves and center their voices in our learning. Native Americans have been the stewards of this land for 20,000+ years. There are more than 6 million Native Americans still living in the United States today.

We recommend the following resources to help you learn more about Native American history and their experiences today:

Books

Films

Museums

  • National Museum of the American Indian | Washington, D.C.
  • Southwest Museum of the American Indian | Los Angeles, CA
  • Museum of Indian Arts and Culture | Santa Fe, NM

Historic Sites

  • Fort Ancient | Oregonia, OH
  • Serpent Mound | Peebles, OH
  • Hopewell Culture National Historical Park | Chillicothe, OH

Websites

James Harrington, Manager of Interpretive Services
National Underground Railroad Freedom Center

Understanding Voter Suppression: Why Your Vote Matters

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Freedom Center Voices

Understanding Voter Suppression: Why Your Vote Matters

The Presidential Election is now just a few weeks away and like many people, I find myself growing concerned about the ever-mounting presence of one topic: voter suppression.

Voter Suppression is defined as any effort, legal or illegal, to prevent eligible voters from registering to vote or casting their ballot in an election. New laws and/or administration rules that create barriers for voters are both examples of voter suppression.

This is arguably one of the United States’ most important elections. I personally feel that this moment could define my generation (hi millennials). A lot is at stake, and with the country continuing to move through a global pandemic, there are many concerns about exactly how votes will be counted this year.

For those of us who have studied history—specifically American history—we are no stranger to the idea of American voters being disenfranchised. For centuries, those in power in the United States have excluded certain people from voting based on things like race, gender, literacy, wealth and more. Most of these inhuman policies and treatments were not corrected until the passage of the Voting Rights of 1965.

Isn’t this 2020? Why and how are we still dealing with voter suppression in the United States? What does it look like? And most importantly, how can we combat it? To answer these questions, let’s first start with a little context.

Voting Rights in America

The United States of America was founded in 1776 on the basic principles of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” Yet we know that the Founding Fathers were mostly concerned with life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness for an America full of people who looked like them—wealthy, white, and male. This sentiment is reflected in the way voting was structured at this time. Many customs from England were adopted, including the idea that only “free holding” men could vote (meaning they owned property and paid taxes). The first voters in colonial America were male property owners ages 21 and older—they were overwhelmingly white and Christian.

The result? When the first U.S. election was held in 1789 to elect President George Washington, only 6% of Americans were eligible to vote. In that same year, the Constitution granted power to the states to determine their own set of voting requirements. Many states upheld the property requirement for white males. They also passed laws limiting voting rights for African Americans and immigrants after the passage of the Naturalization Act in 1790. In the 1820s, universal white male suffrage prompted most states to forgo the property ownership rules, opening the vote up to all white men in the United States.

African American men were granted the right to vote with the passage of the 15th Amendment in 1870. Women and other minorities would have to wait for their suffrage.

The Jim Crow Era

The Jim Crow era is the time period in American history where state and local laws were passed that enforced racial segregation and disenfranchised thousands of African Americans in the southern United States. The threat of racial violence from terrorist organizations like the Ku Klux Klan also had an impact, discouraging many African Americans from exercising their constitutional right.

Jim Crow laws began appearing in the 1870s, a result of the failure of Reconstruction (1865-1877). Many of the Jim Crow laws specifically targeted African American voting rights. Two examples of these racist and oppressive laws were literacy tests and poll taxes.

Literacy tests began popping up in the U.S. as early as the 1850s and were predominately used as a voter suppression tactic to disenfranchise African Americans and other minority voters. Literacy tests existed in the U.S. until the Voting Rights Act of 1965. A payment of a poll tax was also required to register to vote in many states until the passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1964.

While these voter suppression tactics largely targeted African Americans in the Jim Crow South, many other minorities in the United States were subjected to these types of unjust laws—such as Native Americans, Asian Americans, immigrants and women—until the passage of the Voting Rights Act.

Above: United States President Lyndon B. Johnson, Martin Luther King Jr., and Rosa Parks at the signing of the Voting Rights Act on August 5, 1965

The Voting Rights Act

The passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 were monumental in securing rights Americans deserved. The Voting Rights Act (VRA) was expanded in 1970, 1975, 1982 and 2006—extending more voting protections each time. This resulted in many states seeing increased African American representation in elected officials. For example, the ACLU found that the number of Black elected officials in Georgia grew from 3 prior to the Voting Rights Act to 495 in 1990.

So, what happened? The Voting Rights Act was widely supported in the United States by multiple Presidents of both political parties. In fact, all 4 Presidents who signed expansions of the VRA were Republicans—Nixon, Ford, Reagan and George W. Bush. Yet since 2006, voting rights have been attacked across the country along with the introduction of new methods of voter suppression. For example, the Brennan Center for Justice found that 25 states enforced new voting requirements in 2010 such as voter ID laws, closing polling places and cutbacks to early voting.

In 2013, the Voting Rights Act was attacked again with the U.S. Supreme Court Case Shelby County v. Holder. In a 5-4 decision, Section 4 of the Voting Rights Act was ruled unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. In response to the decision, Chief Justice John Roberts said the Voting Rights Act was based on “decades-old data and eradicated practices… such as [literary] tests” and that they “have banned nationwide for over 40 years.”

Above: States and counties encompassed by the act's coverage formula in January 2008 (excluding bailed-out jurisdictions). Several counties subsequently bailed out, but the majority of the map accurately depicts covered jurisdictions before the Supreme Court's decision in Shelby County v. Holder (2013), which declared the coverage formula unconstitutional.

Modern Voter Suppression Tactics

In addition to new voter ID laws, closure of polling places and cutbacks to early voting, states also began purging voter rolls, creating caging lists, attacking felon voter protections and enacting gerrymandering. Combined, these laws create a perfect storm of voter suppression, often targeted at communities of color.

To learn more about each voter suppression tactic, check out this article by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU).

In the 2016 Presidential Election, it is estimated that up to 17 states may have had restrictive voting laws in place. On the eve of another Presidential Election, many are worried these restrictive laws will negatively impact voter turnout once again. As late as August 2020, President Trump announced his opposition for additional funding for the United States Postal Service (USPS) in order to make it more difficult to deliver mail-in ballots.

Looking Ahead

When discussing voting rights in the United States, voter suppression has been a part of the nation’s history just as equally as rights granted. For more than one hundred years, elected officials have made a targeted effort to disenfranchise certain Americans, enforce structural racism and uphold white supremacy. In the 21st Century, many of these elected officials continue to focus on communities of color, thinking of new ways to disenfranchise Americans from their constitutional right to vote.

However, the fight is not over. Now more than ever, it’s incredibly important for Americans to vote. Your voice does matter. Here are 3 things you can do:

1. In order to protect your voice, it’s important to know your rights.

The ACLU has put together a comprehensive plan to follow if you or someone you know face any issues while voting. Read it here.

2. You can also tell your Senators to pass the Voting Rights Advancement Act (VRAA),

which would enforce voting rights throughout the country. The House has already voted to pass the VRAA, but it is currently waiting in the Senate. Find more information here.

3. Finally, make a comprehensive plan on how to vote this year.

With the COVID-19 pandemic, it’s important to determine what type of voting is available for you. For more information, check vote.org.

Most importantly—don’t give up hope. Together, we can fight for more inclusive tomorrow.

To learn more about voter suppression, consider tuning in to our upcoming program Unpacking Voter Suppression: A Virtual Discussion with Gloria Steinem, scheduled on Thursday, October 22 at 7pm.

Katie Bramell, Director of Museum Experiences
National Underground Railroad Freedom Center

Katie’s passion is sharing the untold stories of history, and she loves to think of new, creative ways to engage museum visitors. She is a graduate of Northern Kentucky University (Masters of Public History) and the University of Central Missouri (Bachelors of History). Her primary fields of study include the Underground Railroad, human rights, and early 20th century American History.
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Tips for Researching the Underground Railroad

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Freedom Center Voices

Tips for Researching the Underground Railroad

Many of us have been inspired by stories of freedom seekers and conductors who resisted the injustice of slavery in the United States via the Underground Railroad. We encounter their stories through books, films, local lore and family tales. Their heroism has captured our collective imaginations for generations and many of us genuinely wish to know more—How did the Underground Railroad actually work? Which stories are 100% true and which ones are not? Was my relative a conductor? Was my home a safe house?

This curiosity draws many of us deep into the research rabbit hole. Yet once we dive in ourselves, we often discover that uncovering this history can be both exhilarating and incredibly frustrating at the same time.

Maintaining perspective

The one point researchers must remember is that the Underground Railroad was a SECRET network of individuals and safe houses. Freedom seekers and conductors rarely talked openly about their experiences prior to the Civil War and only a handful kept secret notes about their experiences.  Involvement in the Underground Railroad was very dangerous. Some conductors were jailed, fined, sold into slavery and even murdered.  Freedom seekers that were captured were sent back into slavery and severely punished—some were even sold away from their families. These reasons and more made secrecy about this activity absolutely essential. It’s because of this secrecy that we know very little about most freedom seekers and conductors. Most of the details and first-hand accounts that have been documented about the Underground Railroad were written after the Civil War.

That being said, don’t let this discourage you from your research. These stories must be told; the legacy of these heroes must endure. Remember, it was the undeniable courage, cooperation and perseverance of these individuals that helped free over 4 million enslaved people and brought an end to over 200 years of legal slavery in the United States. These individuals changed the course of American history like no others. So on behalf of the National Underground Railroad Freedom Center, we’d like to offer you some tips on researching the Underground Railroad, freedom seekers and conductors. We wish you the best on your researching journey.

Primary sources from freedom seekers and conductors

The best way to understand the Underground Railroad and the experiences of freedom seekers and conductors is through primary sources. New York conductor Sydney Howard Gay kept secret notes on over 200 freedom seekers. Philadelphia conductor William Still wrote the first book on the Underground Railroad, published in 1872, about his experiences helping freedom seekers. Slave narratives can provide some great information as well—over 6,000 have been written.

Secondary sources from abolitionists, abolitionist organizations and abolitionist newspapers

You can find information on freedom seekers, conductors and safe houses by examining personal letters, diaries, organizational documents and newspaper articles from these three sources:

Books

Numerous books have been written about the Underground Railroad, freedom seekers and conductors. Visit a library or bookstore and see what they have. A quick search online might be helpful for your research. Just make sure that any books you reference were written by a reputable source like John Hope Franklin, Henry Louis Gates, Jr., Eric Foner and David Blight.

Local and state historical societies

A great way to find out if there was Underground Railroad activity in your area is to contact your local or state historical society. These individuals specialize in all aspects of your local or state history, and are a great resource.

National and state park services

Some Underground Railroad or abolitionist landmarks may fall under the jurisdiction of the National Park Service or a state park service. For example, Frederick Douglass’ house at Cedar Hill is a national historic site, and is managed by rangers of the National Park Service. You can find out more at nps.gov.

Colleges and universities

If you’re not sure where to start on your research, local history professors may be able to point you in the right direction.  Some of them may also be experts on Underground Railroad history, or specific conductors and freedom seekers. Some colleges and universities create online databases that focus on specific historical topics. Here are a few examples:

Public libraries

Libraries, and more specifically librarians, are a great resource for historical research.  Librarians are experts at finding the right primary and secondary resources for your project. Books, journals,  newspapers and databases are just a few of the resources that are often available at libraries.

Library of Congress and National Archives

Two reliable and respectable databases to search are the Library of Congress and National Archives.  Unlike Google and other public search engines, documents on these websites go through a verification and authentication process. The Library of Congress will pull up over 40,000 “results” when you search “Underground Railroad.”

Museums and historic sites

Experiential learning is a great way to educate yourself and your family about the Underground Railroad. Plan a visit to the sites in your area.

Documentaries

If you’re looking for a general introduction to the Underground Railroad, I recommend watching a reputable documentary. Underground Railroad: The William Still Story will give you an educational and inspirational look at the Underground Railroad and William Still, a true American hero.

william-still
Photograph of William Still. Source: Friends Historical Library of Swarthmore College

African American Churches

African American churches were often the epicenter of their communities and some were actually used as safe houses. Leaders of these churches were know to hide, feed and clothe freedom seekers, as well as help them find jobs and housing. The African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME), founded by Richard Allen, has been around since 1794. Some of these old African American congregations may be able to help you with your research.

James Harrington, Manager of Interpretive Services
National Underground Railroad Freedom Center

Photograph of Harriet Tubman, full-length portrait, standing with hands on back of a chair. Source: Library of Congress

Women and the Vote: 100 Years Later and Still Fighting

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Freedom Center Voices

Women and the Vote: 100 Years Later and Still Fighting

This year, we celebrate the centennial of the passage of the 19th Amendment and ultimately women’s right to vote. Woo! This is amazing right?! 100 years of voting for women in the United States! Well, not exactly.

Here’s the thing about the 19th Amendment—not all women were granted the right to vote when it was signed into law in August of 1920.

19th Amendment Overview

The 19th Amendment states: “The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.” In theory, this should apply to every single person in the United States who identifies as female. Yet many women were effectively excluded from the vote. In the Jim Crow South, for example, both African American men and women were prevented from voting due to the passage of racist laws that unjustly targeted people of color. Beyond the system that made voting nearly impossible, the threat of lynching—unchecked in the United States for decades—hung over many African Americans in the South like a bad storm that would never clear out.

Other women of color, such as Native and Asian American women, were also prevented from voting since they were denied United States citizenship. Women across the country were tasked with navigating the shifting landscape, sometimes still unable to cast their votes due to unmet “qualifications” like their age, residency or even mental competency.

Here’s my point—obtaining the vote for women was a long, hard-won struggle. It took nearly 100 years of protest to see the passage of the 19th Amendment. Unfortunately, the movement that got us there lacked unification, solidarity, and sisterhood.

The Early Movement

Born out of the abolitionist movement of the early 19th century, the first formal gathering in support of women’s rights occurred in late July, 1848 in Seneca Falls, New York. Attended by those who would later declare themselves suffragists, the convention was unique in that women were at the forefront of the discussion for the first time in American history. Famous abolitionists like Harriet Tubman, Frederick Douglass, William Lloyd Garrison and Lucrecia Mott all participated in these early gatherings. From this point on, it seemed everyone was on the same page: women deserved the same rights as men. That is, until the issue of race divided them.

Divisions and the 15th Amendment

After the end of the Civil War, the United States ratified the 14th and 15th Amendments to the Constitution. These amendments (part of the “Reconstruction Amendments”) were passed to 1) grant African Americans citizenship and 2) grant African American men the voting rights. Though progress was made, both women of color and white women were left out.

Many in the women’s suffrage movement were angered by these new amendments—they felt that women should have been included in this moment. Suffragists were forced to make a choice: support suffrage for African American men as more urgent priority or withhold support based on the desire for universal suffrage for all.

Ultimately, the passage of the 15th Amendment caused suffragists like Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony to split off from the rest of the movement to form the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) with the mission of universal suffrage. One of their core beliefs was that African American men should not be granted the right to vote before women. I mean, let’s be honest—before white women.

Not all suffragists supported Anthony and Stanton, however. Suffragists like Lucy Stone supported the 15th Amendment and quickly worked with others to form the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA). This organization supported not only women’s suffrage, but suffrage for African American men as well. The AWSA’s approach was to work on passing women’s suffrage state-by-state without alienating 15th Amendment supporters. African American women suffragists supported this idea while also fighting for their own set of priorities, since they faced even greater hurdles than white women. African American women continued to fight for suffrage, often working with both the NWSA and the AWSA when the time called.

The divide between white and African American women grew, even as both groups worked toward the same goal. White suffragists would fan the flame of tension, even appealing to racist leaders in the South for support. Meanwhile, African American suffragists like Ida B. Wells-Barnett and others mobilized throughout the country, continually pushing to become part of the narrative of universal suffrage. And despite the discriminatory behavior of their white-counterparts, many African American suffragists continued to work in interracial spaces to keep the fight for the vote moving forward.

Legacy of the 19th Amendment

Ultimately, the women’s suffrage movement did succeed when the 19th Amendment was ratified on August 18, 1920. It’s estimated that around 8 million women voted that November for the first time. However, as I have pointed out, many women were left out of this monumental moment. For many women of color, the moment of celebration came much later with the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

It’s this point that makes it hard for me to put on my white dress in honor of my suffragette foremothers and champion the centennial. As often in history, most of our knowledge of the women’s suffrage movement is limited. From a young age, we learn the names of Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, but rarely if ever hear about the accomplishments of Mary Church Terrell, Ida B. Wells-Barnett, and Francis Ellen Watkins Harper—equally worthy women who fought for their suffrage while also fighting for their place in American society as Black women.

As a white woman myself, I’m frustrated by how often these narratives are still excluded. We choose not to address the fact that Elizabeth Cady Stanton asked Frederick Douglass, an early champion for women’s rights, not to appear on a stage in Atlanta, GA in 1890 for fear it would upset the white men whose support she was vying for at the time. We choose not to highlight how Mary Church Terrell told Walther White of the National Association for the Advancement of Color People (NAACP) that she believed suffragists like Alice Paul and others would exclude Black women from the 19th Amendment if they could.

Women’s Rights Today

What’s even more frustrating to me is that we don’t seem to be making much progress with the idea of intersectional sisterhood—even today. In 2017, myself and a few friends excitedly made the 8-hour journey to Washington D.C. to participate in the Women’s March. Signs in hand, I felt I was part of history as a walked with an estimated 470,000 people to protest to the new administration’s stance on human rights. It was in the later weeks that I would come to re-think my decision, as many women of color voiced concerns about the all-white feminist narrative that seemed to be at forefront of popular discussion. This was only reinforced the next year, when movement groups began to splinter across the country in response to racism, anti-Semitism, and the push back against intersectional feminism.

Feminism cannot exist without intersectionality—period. If your brand of women’s rights is exclusively based on a white narrative and you’re unable to expand that—then you’re part of the problem. Just as many the early suffragists fell out due to the 15th Amendment, I watched in amazement as I read accounts (some from people I know) of white women defending their brand of feminism while discounting valid criticism that calls out discriminatory behavior.

We have a long way to go in this country for voting to be fair and equitable. In 2020, we still face the challenge of voter suppression in every single state. My hope (and ask) is that we learn from the mistakes of our foremothers and do not repeat them. I ask this specially of my fellow white women—it’s time to embrace inclusivity and equality, otherwise we risk becoming part of problem instead of the solution.

Katie Bramell, Director of Museum Experiences
National Underground Railroad Freedom Center

Katie’s passion is sharing the untold stories of history, and she loves to think of new, creative ways to engage museum visitors. She is a graduate of Northern Kentucky University (Masters of Public History) and the University of Central Missouri (Bachelors of History). Her primary fields of study include the Underground Railroad, human rights, and early 20th century American History.